Job loss and breakups stand as formidable challenges, triggering an emotional maelstrom that disrupts the very fabric of their lives. The aftershocks reverberate across multiple dimensions, leaving mental health, self-assurance, and general wellness in disarray. Coping with the upheaval of these events can be an overwhelming task, often plunging individuals into uncharted emotional territory. Yet, within this chaos lies an anchor of hope: the profound impact of seeking professional help. In these tumultuous times, the invaluable support and guidance provided by trained professionals can serve as a beacon of resilience, guiding individuals through the labyrinth of emotions and uncertainties. Through tailored strategies and compassionate understanding, seeking professional assistance becomes not just a lifeline but a pathway to reclaiming stability, fostering healing, and ultimately, rediscovering a renewed sense of self.

At the onset of such a crisis, individuals often find themselves overwhelmed by a myriad of emotions. Whether it’s the sudden loss of a job or the dissolution of a relationship, the feelings of shock, sadness, anger, and anxiety can be all-consuming. This emotional rollercoaster can impede decision-making, cloud judgment, and hinder the ability to move forward. Seeking professional help at this stage provides a safe space to navigate these emotions, offering a compassionate ear and strategies to cope.

Therapists, counselors, and life coaches play pivotal roles in aiding recovery from job loss or breakup by offering tailored approaches to address specific challenges. For those experiencing job loss, career counselors assist in rediscovering professional strengths, exploring new opportunities, and devising effective job search strategies. Their expertise helps individuals reframe their perspectives, identifying possibilities where they might only see setbacks.

Similarly, in the realm of relationship breakups, therapists specializing in relationship counseling guide individuals through the grieving process, fostering self-reflection, and aiding in understanding the dynamics that led to the breakup. They equip individuals with tools to heal emotional wounds, rebuild self-worth, and navigate future relationships more consciously.

One of the most significant advantages of seeking professional help lies in the unbiased perspective it offers. Friends and family, while well-intentioned, may not always provide the neutral guidance needed during such sensitive times. Professionals, on the other hand, bring objectivity and expertise, offering insights and strategies that are tailored to individual needs.

Moreover, professional help doesn’t just revolve around emotional support. It extends to practical guidance as well. Financial advisors can assist those facing job loss in managing their finances during the transition period, providing a sense of stability amidst uncertainty. Legal advisors specializing in divorce or separation proceedings can offer crucial advice to individuals navigating the legal aspects of a breakup, ensuring a smoother process.

The stigma surrounding seeking professional help for emotional or psychological support is gradually diminishing as more people recognize its efficacy in aiding recovery. It’s essential to view seeking professional guidance during these challenging times as an act of self-care and strength rather than a sign of weakness.

In the labyrinth of recovering from job loss or a breakup, the path to healing is intricate and often strewn with emotional obstacles. However, amidst this complexity lies a guiding light: the invaluable assistance of professional support. Offering a tapestry of emotional solace, personalized guidance, and pragmatic strategies, seeking professional help becomes a linchpin in the journey toward restoration. It’s the beacon that illuminates the route through emotional tumult and the compass that navigates towards a redefined sense of purpose.

Crucially, embracing professional assistance is not a sign of weakness but a testament to resilience and self-care. It signifies a courageous step toward reclaiming stability and fostering growth during challenging times. Remember, in moments of upheaval, seeking professional help is not merely an option but a vital investment in one’s well-being. It’s an acknowledgment that healing and renewal can be catalyzed by expert guidance. So, as you navigate these turbulent waters, know that seeking professional help can be the cornerstone of crafting a more resilient, empowered, and hopeful future.

This story was created using AI technology.

This information is for the 2020/21 session.

There has been much talk of late about a renewed far right surge in Europe, especially as the continent looks ahead to the European parliament elections next June. Is this tilt to the right likely to happen – and what could it mean for us?

This fear has ebbed and flowed. It took off when Georgia Meloni’s far-right Brothers of Italy surged in elections last year, as did the hard-right Sweden Democrats, which became part of the rightwing governing bloc and shapes its policies for the first time. The following months saw rightwing wins in Finland and Greece too. The firm conviction that there was an inexorable rise of the right then crumbled in July this year, when in Spain the hard-right Vox and the conservative Popular party failed to win a joint majority in elections, leading to the eventual return of a progressive coalition led by Pedro Sánchez. Three months later, Poles voted to oust the populist right Law and Justice party, opening the way to a liberal government led by a former president of the European Council, Donald Tusk.

The anxiety about a hard-right wave is back with a vengeance, however, after Geert Wilders’ Freedom party (PVV) unexpectedly triumphed in Dutch elections to become the Netherlands’ biggest party in parliament, with over 23% of the vote.

These results point to two political and three policy implications for Europe in the months ahead. They should be wary of sweeping political conclusions, which is in some ways reassuring. All elections, including the European parliament ones next year, reflect national stories. While people across different European countries are subject to comparable forces and dynamics, rarely do these trigger the same political outcomes.

The elections over the past year tell us this. While it’s impossible to anticipate the outcome of next year’s European elections, it is likely that the next European Commission will reflect the same pro-European centre-right, social-democrat, liberal and green majority that supports the current set of EU leaders. The largest grouping in the European parliament puts forward its lead candidate for the presidency of the EU’s executive arm, the commission.

Furthermore, the 27 heads of government sitting around the European Council table who will next summer have the last word on those appointments come from different political backgrounds. Of the five largest countries – Germany, France, Italy, Spain and Poland – two (Germany and Spain) are led by socialists, two (France and Poland) by liberals and only one (Italy) by the hard right. Even if Meloni is joined by Wilders next summer, this still points to a rather mixed political constellation in Europe.

Less reassuringly, political winds are clearly blowing to the hard right, and in countries such as Germany and France, especially, this is a major source of concern. This seems to be the consequence of several factors, among them the politically suicidal tendency of moderate parties to cooperate with the extremes, believing this will take the wind out of the latter’s political sails.

Every time they do so, they either fail to increase their support (as in the case of the People’s party in Spain) or they end up losing votes to the hard right (as in Italy and the Netherlands). This is not surprising. When moderate parties rule out cooperation with the radical right, citizens know that a vote for the latter is wasted, as these parties will not enter government. When instead moderates wink at the hard right, that disincentive evaporates.

If in addition, centre-right parties buy into a rightwing populist agenda, for instance by overblowing immigration as a policy priority, voters are more inclined to opt for the hard-right original, rather than the blander moderate copy. The famous definition of madness (doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results) seems to be playing out in Europe, however. The centre-right European parliament grouping, the European People’s party, led by the German MEP Manfred Weber, has, I understand, warmed to the idea of cooperation with the hard-right European Conservatives and Reformists, a grouping that includes the Brothers of Italy and Poland’s Law and Justice.

If they imagine a more rightwing political landscape in Europe, what are the policy implications? First is the risk of dwindling European support for Ukraine. They are already witnessing how right populist leaders such as Viktor Orbán are raising their voices, threatening to block the opening of accession talks with Kyiv and a €50bn package of economic assistance to Ukraine, as well as €20bn in military aid.

Orbán’s pro-Russian sympathies are nothing new, but the fact that he feels emboldened to vent them so openly now is no coincidence. He is probably calculating that political winds are changing in his favour. So far, rightwing leaders such as Meloni are toeing the pro-Ukraine line. Yet worrying signals have emerged. A few weeks ago, when she was pranked by two Russian comedians pretending to be the president of the African Union, Meloni spilled the beans. The concerning bit of that call was not the prank itself (other European leaders have fallen into the same trap), but what Meloni said while thinking that she was talking to an African leader with pro-Russian sympathies. The Italian prime minister spoke of western fatigue and the hope that a compromise with Russia could stem from this: hardly evidence of steadfast support for Ukraine.

Second is the climate crisis. Here too, rightwing pushback is getting stronger and has already watered down the European green deal, especially on such broader sustainability agenda concerns as deforestation and agriculture. Those headwinds are likely to pick up in the months ahead. They probably won’t block the move to decarbonisation altogether, but support for any measures is likely to be articulated more in terms of technological innovation and industrial policy than climate as such.

Having said that, it is hard to see a stronger right wing supporting a European industrial policy that requires fresh funds. For the same reason, while a more rightwing Europe might in principle back greater emphasis on defence, it would be less likely to approve a significant uptick of European funds dedicated to this purpose.

Third is migration. The paradox here is that the more Europeans, spurred on by the populist right, get hyped up about immigration, the less likely they are to find policy solutions to address the phenomenon. Rightwing parties across Europe all agree they don’t want irregular migrants or asylum seekers, but they profoundly disagree on sharing out the responsibility between them. They therefore concur to offload the problem on to countries of transit and origin. Yet with the exception of the EU-Turkey deal struck in 2016, in no case has this approach really worked, with the European memorandum of understanding with Tunisia being the latest case of failure.

None of this bodes well. That said, a tilt to the right in Europe is unlikely to spark the end of liberal democracy on the continent, or a new wave of radical Euroscepticism with countries queuing up to leave the EU, as feared back in 2016 after the Brexit referendum. That political season is over for now. Until and unless there is a Donald Trump comeback to the White House. In that catastrophic scenario, all bets are off, as many masks would come off and the hard right would probably show an uglier face in Europe than they have hitherto seen.

This article was amended on 14 December 2023 to clarify the role in Sweden’s government of the Sweden Democrats.

CHISINAU (Reuters) - Moldova's pro-European President Maia Sandu said on Sunday she intends to run for a second presidential term in late 2024 to bring the issue of the country's European integration to its logical conclusion.

"We still have important steps to take and I pledge to continue, if you will give me your trust for a new term," Sandu said in a statement published on the presidential website.

Sandu, a former World Bank economist who favours closer ties with the European Union, defeated the pro-Moscow incumbent Igor Dodon in a run-off vote in December 2020.

The presidential elections are due to be held in November-December 2024, with the exact date to be determined by parliament.

Integration with the EU is one of Sandu's goals, with Brussels announcing earlier this month the start of accession talks with Chisinau.

"Our future is in the European family and they need to say clearly - the whole country - which path they choose for Moldova. I call on parliament to initiate a referendum next autumn, in which the voice of the citizens will be decisive," she said.

Sandu has denounced Russia's invasion of Ukraine and accused Moscow of plotting a coup to oust her.

(Reporting by Alexander Tanas, Writing by Pavel Polityuk; Editing by Kirsten Donovan)