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132-S-720-1 | Specialist Call Center Implement and(R) Support Elective

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132-S-720-1 - Specialist Call Center Implement and(R) Support Elective - braindump

Vendor Avaya
Exam Number 132-S-720-1
Exam Name Specialist Call Center Implement and(R) Support Elective
Questions 128 Q & A
Recent Update March 13, 2019
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132-S-720-1 exam Dumps Source : Specialist Call Center Implement and(R) Support Elective

Test Code : 132-S-720-1
Test Name : Specialist Call Center Implement and(R) Support Elective
Vendor Name : Avaya
Q&A : 128 Real Questions

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Avaya Specialist Call Center Implement

Avaya Brings Biometrics, AI to name middle options | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

call middle solutions expert Avaya has greater its application development kit and business digital assistant choices.Avaya Brings Biometrics, AI to Call Center Solutions

The enterprise says its SDK now supports refined synthetic intelligence, enabling for conversational person interplay, and even a sentiment analysis characteristic that may assist consumer calls to be instantly routed to the applicable channels. Avaya also says its platform now supports biometrics in the sort of facial and voice cognizance, which can also be used to allow mighty two-factor authentication.

meanwhile, Avaya has additionally upgraded its Equinox Unified Communications platform, which now supports voice-primarily based digital assistants from Google and Microsoft. The platform is designed to offer a private, virtual assistant to each assigned worker in an commercial enterprise atmosphere, and to that conclusion leveraging the tremendously superior conversational AI methods of those tech giants guarantees potent performance.

Commenting on the upgraded solutions, Avaya solutions and expertise VP Chris McGugan gestured to the broader alternative for voice-primarily based interplay amongst patrons. “Voice remains the cornerstone of customer service, and there is a clear probability for its prolonged application to enhance client journeys.”

the new solutions additionally mirror the starting to be magnitude of AI, a massive fashion that Avaya locked into a few year in the past with its announcement of A.I. join, a customer records and behavior evaluation system developed in collaboration with Afiniti, Scoredata, and voice biometrics professional Nuance Communications.

October eleven, 2018 – by using Alex Perala


Avaya Receives Frost & Sullivan's 2017 Market management Award for Contact center methods in North the usa | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

SANTA CLARA, CA--(Marketwired - December 07, 2017) - Avaya nowadays announced it has obtained the Frost & Sullivan 2017 Market leadership Award for Contact middle methods in North the united states. The award become given to Avaya for its advanced leadership and consumer carrier as smartly as the strategic product building and technological innovation of its consumer Engagement options portfolio, following an extensive, impartial comparison against a few criteria.

examine Frost & Sullivan's document on Avaya's 2017 Market management award

Avaya's client Engagement solutions portfolio contains its flagship omnichannel client adventure solution, Avaya Oceana. As a versatile, comfy foundation, Avaya Oceana grants context-pushed, totally integrated and customizable consumer engagement capabilities that allow ongoing transformation with minimal disruption.

The Frost & Sullivan record recognized the challenges groups have confronted in adapting their customer provider ideas to ever-altering company environments, demographics, and technological tendencies. client expectations of an omnichannel event these days should combine a variety of channels -- together with social, cell, on-line self and assisted service -- with effective statistics capture, evaluation and entry, plus integrate with multiple company and communications purposes to convey a seamless customer adventure. further, companies can be at any stage of setting up an omnichannel approach, housing a big range of techniques and applications of a variety of age and potential to usher in new capabilities.

in accordance with Frost & Sullivan, the ability to deliver organizations ahead from any stage is among the the explanation why Avaya has been in a leadership place for years:

"as the name core went in the course of the evolution from its preliminary core systems, i.e. ACD and IVR, Avaya has acted as a relied on companion to its growing installed base, by way of being attuned to the wants of purchasers and consumers alike, no depend the place they are in the event from point options to digital transformation. Integration of disparate functions is a essential success ingredient for companies reaching omnichannel excellence. Avaya assists valued clientele, right through any part of this transformation, with the aid of featuring the building blocks they should get there."

This potential to continually help companies adopt new capabilities to enhance or expand the customer experience whereas leveraging current infrastructure also extends to Avaya's strategy to Cloud-based mostly contact core solutions (CCaaS). The Frost & Sullivan file notes that while many providers providing CCaaS promote an "all-in-one" solution suite, they once in a while fail to recognize that each organization is at a special stage and can not want to adopt a rip-and-substitute approach. Avaya, besides the fact that children, offers a highly bendy path to cloud, similar to enabling a hybrid model for brand new applications, specific places or enterprise ideas, in addition to public or deepest cloud options, in addition to on-premises deployments.

complete ache experts, for instance, moved from a barely functioning contact center, equipped through different providers, to the Avaya consumer Engagement Cloud, aiding 12 areas. The business experienced immediate advancements in functionality and reporting, avoided a expensive facts middle buildout and received the capacity to guide its bold boom plans. The bendy, new answer changed into can charge-neutral to what the business become paying earlier than imposing Avaya's CCaaS solution.

Frost & Sullivan stated a couple of extra factors resulting in Avaya's award below various standards, including consumer purchase and ownership experience, expertise Leverage and Implementation Excellence, brand strength and boom approach Excellence.

In its conclusion for the award, Frost & Sullivan talked about:

"Avaya remains a stalwart leader in customer contact, with an enviable portfolio of products and partner offers, backed with the aid of strong consulting and professional services support. Avaya has achieved a management position in the Contact middle techniques market, with a market share of 17.four%. With its amazing average performance and Frost & Sullivan is proud to existing to Avaya, the 2017 Market leadership Award for Contact middle systems in North the usa."

"Avaya works intently with our consumers to remember the evolution of the customer event from diverse elements of view. whereas the end customer journey is essential, we will deliver even more company cost by figuring out how brokers, income and advertising and marketing and IT, as well as market and business dynamics, make contributions to that experience. This holistic strategy locations us light years past the pop-up providers with constrained existence spans or the ability to scale their solutions. this is why we're so very comfortable that Frost & Sullivan has once once again recognized Avaya's leadership involved core solutions."

Laurent Philonenko, SVP and GM, solutions and know-how, Avaya

To read case experiences of businesses of all sizes world wide that believe Avaya to help them carry a stupendous consumer event, go here.

About AvayaAvaya allows the mission crucial, true-time conversation purposes of the realm's most important operations. because the world chief in supplying superior communications experiences, Avaya offers probably the most complete portfolio of software and services for contact middle and unified communications -- offered on premises, in the cloud, or a hybrid. modern digital world requires some sort of communications enablement, and no different business is enhanced located to do this than Avaya. For greater assistance, please consult with www.avaya.com.

comply with Avaya on Twitter, facebook, YouTube, LinkedIn, Flickr and the Avaya linked weblog.

source: Avaya Newsroom


Avaya licensed expert (ACS) | killexams.com Real Questions and Pass4sure dumps

This supplier-certain Certification is offered by using:AvayaHighlands Ranch, CO USAPhone: 800-288-5327Email: This electronic mail handle is being covered from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

skill level: Intermediate                          reputation: Being phased out

low-budget: $125 (shortest track)               

abstract:This mid-degree certification is for individuals who integrate voice networking, information networking, and functions into powerful business communications options. ACSs design, enforce and guide Avaya options in a real world ambiance.

preliminary necessities:You ought to hang the ACA Certification and pass one among professional non-obligatory exams ($125). choose between two tracks, Design and Implementation.Design Tracks encompass: Interactive Voice Response techniques, IP Telephony, LAN, Messaging, Multimedia Contact centers and Proactive Contact options.Implementation Tracks consist of: Interactive Voice Response programs, IP Telephony, LAN, Messaging, Multimedia Contact facilities and Proactive Contact solutions.working towards is available but no longer required.

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Signs of Trouble and of Hope at Mendez Middle School | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

Photo by Jana Birchum

Eight months ago, Mendez Middle School in Southeast Austin was taken over by an in-district charter – the first of its kind in the Austin Independent School District – led by the Texas Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math (T-STEM) coalition. Along with Communities in Schools (CIS) and the UTeach Institute, T-STEM was tasked with turning around a school that has struggled to pass state accountability standards for five consecutive years.

If the school doesn't improve enough in two years to receive a rating of "D" or better under Texas' current system for ranking school performance, it could face closure. Those are the stakes for the T-STEM effort; for some in the AISD community, the partnership highlights the difference state-funded grants can make for a district bracing for a financial crisis. For others, the model now in effect at Mendez – and other campuses in the future – poses an existential threat to public education.

So how much improvement has Mendez seen thus far? That depends on who's telling the story and what data is considered. More kids are in school: Daily attendance is up, and the number of students with repeated absences is down. But disciplinary actions resulting in home suspensions have risen since last year. At a school like Mendez, which is mostly attended by students from low-income families who may not have access to social services that can help improve a child's behavior in school, the prevalence of "exclusionary discipline" practices can be dire.

The Metrics That Matter

Data obtained by the Chronicle shows that last December, at the end of the first semester of the 2018-19 school year, the number of home suspensions at Mendez was about 74% higher than at the same point in the previous year. Of Mendez's just-over-600 students, English-language learners (ELL) make up 51%, and special education students 17%. Students identified as economically disadvantaged (for Title I education-funding purposes) make up more than 90% of Mendez's enrollment. Among the more vulnerable ELL and special education populations, discipline leading to home suspensions saw a bigger jump – 98% and 179% increases, respectively – than those among the whole student body. Another notable increase is among the school's black students: Although they only make up 9% of Mendez enrollment, they accounted for 20% of home suspensions – more than double the rate of the previous year. (The school is 90% Hispanic.)

Mendez Principal Joanna Carrillo-Rowley acknowledges the home suspension numbers are troubling, and says most of those occurred after other behavioral interventions failed. She points to other metrics, however, as signs that the administration's efforts are gradually having an impact, such as the improving attendance rates, which offset the impact of a year-over-year decline in total enrollment. The number of in-school suspensions is also down by nearly 15%. "We've been reading the data and trying to make sure we are meeting student needs," said Carrillo-Rowley. "Improving discipline has been a focus in our second semester, because if we do that, we'll have more students in class and learning."

Mendez Principal Joanna Carrillo-Rowley (Photo by John Anderson)

“It takes time to earn respect from the students, so we’ve been developing a plan for how to do that. I think now we are seeing the results of that effort.” – Mendez MS Principal Joanna Carrillo-Rowley

Carrillo-Rowley and other leaders at Mendez all point to a key reason why they have struggled to rein in suspensions: a lack of time to formulate a thorough disciplinary plan. T-STEM's contract to run Mendez was not approved by the Texas Education Agency (TEA) until June 28 – just two months before the first day of this school year. David Simmons, executive director of school turnaround at T-STEM, said this posed a major hurdle for partnership efforts in the first school year.

"The time factor has been a critical issue for us as we've implemented this partnership," Simmons said in a conversation with the Chronicle. "Time affords planning, and any project that has extended planning time puts itself in a better position." Simmons said T-STEM's leaders were focused on training teachers to implement problem-based learning, an instructional model that emphasizes group projects over teachers lecturing to students in their classrooms. That focus meant less time for building a thorough disciplinary plan, even with CIS – whose mission is to provide support services to help students stay in school – serving as an equal partner in the school's new leadership.

High rates of home suspensions cause many problems, most obviously that students are not in class where they could be learning. That could be especially problematic at Mendez, which turned to T-STEM to bring up the school's ranking in the state accountability system, which is largely dependent on State of Texas Assessments of Academic Readiness (STAAR) exam results.

The charter partnership at Mendez was established under Senate Bill 1882 (passed into state law in 2017), under which school districts can partner with groups pre-approved by TEA to try new approaches to improve student performance at struggling schools. While the districts have to grant those campuses more autonomy, they gain additional per-student funding from the state; crucially, the school earns a two-year exemption from the TEA accountability rankings, with a possible third-year waiver available.

The lack of planning time leading up to the school year was also a problem for CIS. Louise Hanks, Mendez Middle's director of school climate and culture, didn't start on the job until the first day of school. Although Hanks has extensive experience with what are known as "restorative justice" practices – intended to help students scrutinize their own actions as a way of preventing future misbehavior – she said those efforts take time. "Restorative justice is a needs-based practice," she explained. "It takes time to figure out what's happening at a school, what's working well, and what the challenges are."

"School Is Not a Place for Them"

It's difficult to reliably measure the year-over-year impact that the rise in home suspensions could have on academic performance at Mendez, because students will not take STAAR exams until later this year. Students did take midyear benchmark tests, which were constructed using questions from the 2018 STAAR exams, but that assessment has some drawbacks: The test may draw from parts of curriculum that haven't yet been taught, and the comparison data reflects students who have attended school at a particular campus for the entire year, which the midyear test-takers may not have done.

The effect of exclusionary discipline can extend beyond student performance in any given school year. "It also harms the relationship between students and their school," explained Deborah Fowler, executive director at Texas Appleseed, a social justice nonprofit that has examined the effects of exclusionary discipline on students. Fowler noted research that shows students of color and low-income students – such as nearly the entire student body of Mendez – are disproportionately subjected to exclusionary discipline compared to white and wealthier students. "Our fear is that this sends a message to students of color that school is not a place for them," Fowler said.

A study conducted in 2011 by the Council of State Governments Justice Center showed the consequences of disciplinary action on Texas students. Looking at six years of records (from seventh grade to 12th) for more than 900,000 students across the state, the research found that 31% of students with one or more suspensions or expulsions were held back a grade at least once, compared to just 5% of students without any suspensions or expulsions. Almost 10% of students who were subjected to exclusionary discipline ended up dropping out of school, compared to a 2% dropout rate among students not suspended or expelled. Furthermore, 23% of students involved in a school's disciplinary system would go on to have "contact with the juvenile justice system." Just 2% of students who were not suspended or expelled saw the same contact.

Austin ISD declined to make a district representative available to discuss the discipline problems at Mendez or the district's stance on home suspensions in general. (In 2017, the AISD Board of Trustees banned the use of discretionary suspension or expulsion in pre-K through second grade.) Instead, AISD Chief Officer for School Leadership Michelle Cavazos issued a statement to the Chronicle saying the district was monitoring progress at Mendez and that T-STEM would present an end-of-year report to the board in June. Cavazos' statement also said, "We are committed to keeping students in school during disciplinary actions to ensure students are able to still receive all services, including free or reduced lunch, and continue course work in an alternative setting."

Change or "Charterization"?

Gauging how teachers are responding to T-STEM's efforts has been difficult, because most of the faculty approached for this story were reluctant to speak on the record. Two who did are new to the profession. One of them, Alfred Bradford, who teaches sixth-grade math, started at Mendez midway through last school year. He said adjusting to the T-STEM blueprint took time, but he has seen it have an impact on student engagement with schoolwork and getting students to think beyond the lesson in front of them. He described one example where he tasked his class with creating a math-themed board game. Part of the project involved creating a promotional flier, as if the game was being sold by Hasbro. "That really lit a fire under them," Bradford said. "A lot of the kids we work with don't look to the future like that. They don't have the opportunity to stop and think about their future, so these projects can really help them dream."

Mendez MS math teacher Alfred Bradford (Photo by Jana Birchum)

“A lot of the kids we work with ... don’t have the opportunity to stop and think about their future. These projects can really help them dream.” – Mendez MS math teacher Alfred Bradford

First-year teacher Chelsea Aceves didn't take over her sixth-grade social studies class until late last semester, but even in that short time, she's beginning to see a shift in the campus climate at Mendez. "We're getting really serious about changing the culture here," Aceves said. "I see it already. Kids who weren't doing work last semester are doing much better now."

But Education Austin President Ken Zarifis says he's hearing a different story from teachers at the school who take issue with the administration's approach to discipline, which he notes can have broader impacts. "The academic success of a campus is only as powerful as the climate and culture developed on that campus," he told the Chronicle. The teacher union leader says the discipline struggles at Mendez highlight concerns he has with SB 1882 and are an early sign that the legislation will harm public schools. "Outsiders don't have an understanding of AISD culture, and when these groups come in, we begin to see the 'charterization' of our public schools." The trade-off of higher per-student funding at the expense of school oversight by elected trustees poses a problem, said Zarifis; Education Austin is currently opposed to any new SB 1882 agreements at AISD campuses.

"A Sense of Safety and Belonging"

Zarifis' fears that T-STEM may be unable to right the foundering ship at Mendez may not be borne out, however. Carrillo-Rowley, recruited by T-STEM from Midland ISD with a reputation as a campus turnaround specialist, made clear that reducing the number of suspensions was a key goal for the school's second semester. She pointed to several initiatives her administration and CIS have undertaken to achieve that goal, such as making sure all students are greeted when they enter the building and reinstating the student council to help the student body feel more empowered on campus. "These changes help [students] feel like people care," Carrillo-Rowley explained. "It helps them feel seen and be more self-confident, which improves their willingness to participate in class."

Education Austin President Ken Zarifis (Photo by John Anderson)

“Outsiders don’t have an understanding of AISD culture, and when these groups come in, we begin to see the ‘charterization’ of our public schools.” – Education Austin President Ken Zarifis

Carrillo-Rowley pointed to another program she thinks shows promise in improving classroom behavior: the junior leadership program, which was launched in January as an elective for students who are struggling with academic and/or behavior issues. The class gives students an opportunity to work together in small groups on such skills as conflict resolution and helps them put into practice "schoolwide values" like respect for others. Staffers with CIS come in twice a week to help facilitate these activities; in addition, the students receive intensive academic intervention to help with subjects they're struggling to master. "We're trying to equip them with different solutions [to conflict] rather than putting fists to faces," explained Kaeli Helmink, one of the two junior leadership teachers. She said the work has been gradual, but noted that with the students they are serving, even small improvements can make a big difference in their life at school. "For these kids, even just choosing to put forth the effort is a major win."

CIS is also stepping up with added support for both teachers and students. Hanks has implemented a "point-person" office at Mendez, a sort of on-demand conflict resolution room available to all students. The room is intended to give students a space to talk through issues without the pressure of an audience, which can cause a tense situation to escalate. Hanks said CIS will grow its intervention efforts: "If we can do restorative practices in a calm place and not as a response to disciplinary issues," Hanks said, "we'll create a sense of safety and belonging that makes it possible to soak up instruction and do well on tests."

Early data indicates these and other initiatives undertaken at Mendez are working. Discipline data showed a 54% drop in home suspensions issued since the start of the second semester; Carrillo-Rowley credited the decrease to the "responsive collaboration" between the partners in the T-STEM consortium. In her experience, any turnaround effort takes time to diagnose campus problems and craft appropriate solutions – something, she said, that could have happened last fall if they'd had more lead time. "I'm new here and CIS is new here. It takes time to earn respect from the students, so we've been developing a plan for how to do that," Carrillo-Rowley said. "I think now we are seeing the results of that effort."

A version of this article appeared in print on March 1, 2019 with the headline: Grade: Incomplete


White House looks to tamp down expectations for North Korea summit | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

WASHINGTON — The White House tried Thursday to tamp down expectations ahead of the second summit between President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un next week in Hanoi, Vietnam.

“I don’t know if North Korea has made the choice yet to denuclearize, but the reason we’re engaged in this is because we believe there’s a possibility that North Korea can make the choice to fully denuclearize,” a senior administration official told reporters during a conference call Thursday morning.

Ahead of the summit on Wednesday and Thursday, the conservative Heritage Foundation released a backgrounder that cited three “major mistakes” by the Trump administration around the first summit, held last June in Singapore: accepting a vague summit statement on denuclearization; unilaterally canceling U.S.-South Korean military exercises without reciprocal North Korean action; and “exuberantly praising” Kim despite his many human rights violations.

Senior research fellow on Asian studies Bruce Klingner called Trump’s decision to cancel allied military exercises in South Korea was “the gift that keeps on giving for North Korea.” Klingner also argued that the Kim regime wants to deal directly with Trump, whom it believes is more likely to deliver unilateral concessions.

Looking ahead, Klingner urged Trump to be prepared to walk away and sign only an end-of-summit agreement that includes a North Korean commitment to denuclearization and requires Pyongyang to allow international inspections that can verify compliance.

During Thursday’s conference call, the senior administration official told reporters that the two-day Hanoi summit will be similar in format to the one-day meeting at Singapore’s Sentosa island.

That June summit began with an extended grip-and-grin for the international press, after which Trump and Kim met with each other and only translators for nearly an hour. That tete-a-tete was followed by an expanded bilateral meeting that included Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and national security adviser John Bolton.

Also in the expanded meeting was Kim’s most trusted aide, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) lead negotiator Kim Yong Chol, a former spy chief.

Kim Yong Chol met with Trump and Pompeo in the White House in January, before the White House announced a second summit would occur in February.

After the June summit, Trump said that he and Kim Jong Un had developed a “special bond.” Kim said “the world will see major change.”

The Trump White House has a list of improvements that followed the first meeting between a U.S. and North Korean leader. Vice President Mike Pence rattled off the list in Munich over the weekend: “No more nuclear tests. No more missiles being fired. Our hostages are home.” And North Korea has returned the remains of 55 deceased U.S. service members.

Many in the foreign policy world, however, were underwhelmed with the results.

“There has to be a much more careful and realistic portrayal of where we’re at and what we’re doing and why we’re doing it,” Jenny Town, a Korean specialist at the Stimson Center, told the Review-Journal.

And Town thinks the Singapore summit was a plus for the United States. “As much as people criticize the last year and how little progress there has been,” Town said, “you know, this is a negotiation. The Singapore summit set a very broad agenda.”

Foreign policy watchers paid keen attention to remarks delivered Jan. 31 by special envoy Stephen Biegun at Stanford University in search of signals for what could happen in Hanoi.

Biegun admitted that there still was no agreement between the DPRK and Washington on the definition of denuclearizing North Korea. “Our view is that it entails the elimination of the totality of the weapons of mass destruction programs in North Korea,” he added.

But the Singapore statement calls for denuclearization of the Korean peninsula — a nod to the DPRK’s push to get U.S. troops out of South Korea.

Asked if the Trump administration would consider pulling U.S. troops out of South Korea, Biegun told the Stanford crowd, “So we are not involved in any diplomatic discussion, full stop, that would suggest this trade-off. It has never been discussed.”

Foreign policy hawks expect the Trump administration to deliver specifics so the international community can measure North Korean compliance. Town sees indications that the next deal will deliver international inspections.

Another challenge will be how the administration sells any agreement reached with the DPRK. Town sees an administration that may have done a better job reaching out to Pyongyang than to Capitol Hill.

Even a great package “may not be enough to win over the skeptics” if the White House can’t bring Congress on board, Town said.

Klingner was especially critical of Trump’s buddy rhetoric with an international human rights pariah.

“You can be positively positive in your diplomacy and in praising progress when it’s achieved, but you don’t necessarily have to extol the virtues of your counterpart,” said Klingner.

Contact Debra J. Saunders at dsaunders@reviewjournal.com or 202-662-7391. Follow @DebraJSaunders on Twitter.

Heritage Foundation report

“There are concerns in Washington, Seoul, and Tokyo that President Trump may agree to several North Korean proposals that appear beneficial but contain hidden perils.”

— Bruce Klingner, author of “Second U.S.-North Korea Summit Must Focus on Substance, Not Style,” Heritage Foundation


Inside Donald Trump’s army of super PACs and MAGA nonprofits | killexams.com real questions and Pass4sure dumps

At the outset of Donald Trump’s bid for the White House, he blasted super PACs on Twitter as “scams” and “unfair” and disavowed such outside help.

Then he changed his tune. By the end of his 2016 campaign, more than a hundred super PACs and similar groups had spent more than $72 million on his behalf, helping him defeat Democrat Hillary Clinton.

Trump’s army of organized support has expanded since then, with a dozen or so major nonprofits and super PACs pushing his policy platform and priming the public for Trump’s 2020 re-election campaign. Many of the groups feature former Trump staffers or campaign aides. Trump and his surrogates frequently appear at events hosted by some of the ventures.

Other pro-Trump groups, however, spent four, five or even six figures paying their own leaders and employees, filling the coffers of their consulting firms instead of spending money to boost Trump’s political future.

The Center for Public Integrity has this month analyzed the activities of each of these organizations. Read on to make sense of what political committees, super PACs and nonprofit groups are actively in orbit around Trump’s own 2020 re-election committee:

America First Action Inc.

Type: super PAC

A group of former Trump aides designed the super PAC America First Action and a nonprofit arm, America First Policies, to push Trump’s policy platform. Even Vice President Mike Pence traveled across the country to attend America First events and help raise money. Dallas investor Doug Deason and Roy Bailey, a partner at Giuliani Partners LLC, handled the finances for the two groups. Former Fox News host Kimberly Guilfoyle, who is the girlfriend of Donald Trump Jr., is the groups’ vice chairwoman. The super PAC collected $39 million from 2017 through 2018. It spent $29.2 million on political messages during that time, mostly attacking Democrats such as former Sen. Claire McCaskill of Missouri and Sen. Jon Tester of Montana.

America First Action attracted multimillion dollar contributions from real estate developer Geoffrey Palmer, philanthropist Cherna Moskowitz, casino magnate Sheldon Adelson and Adelson’s wife, philanthropist Miriam Adelson. Trump last year awarded Miriam Adelson the Presidential Medal of Freedom, one of the nation’s highest civilian honors.

The group has also hired and paid firms associated with former Trump employees or backers. They include: Trump’s counselor Kellyanne Conway’s former firm, the Polling Company ($476,000); former campaign manager Corey Lewandowski’s firm, Green Monster Consulting ($75,000); former Milwaukee sheriff and Trump booster David A. Clarke’s firm, DAC Enterprises ($92,000); current Trump campaign manager, Brad Parscale, and his firm Parscale Strategy LLC ($184,000); and Trump campaign aide Katrina Pierson’s Pierson Consulting Group ($60,000). The super PAC also paid former White House spokesman Sean Spicer’s firm RIGWIL LLC $46,000. Spicer is now the super PAC’s senior adviser and spokesman. Additionally, the group chose to frequent Trump properties, paying about $415,000 to the Trump International Hotel and restaurants inside.

America First Policies

Type: nonprofit

High turnover has plagued this nonprofit, which has chosen not to disclose its donors. Rebekah Mercer, daughter of conservative megadonor Robert Mercer, considered funding the group, but left for another nonprofit called Making America Great. At its outset in January 2017, this 501(c)(4) “social welfare” nonprofit hosted big names in Trump’s orbit. Among the co-founders and initial staffers:

Trump’s former deputy campaign manager, Rick Gates, also co-founded the group. But he left in March 2017 and has since been indicted and has pleaded guilty, in a matter unrelated to America First Policies, to making a false statement to prosecutors and violating foreign lobbying laws.

The nonprofit and its sister super PAC were chaired by Thomas Hicks Jr., now co-chair of the Republican National Committee. Hicks was a national finance chairman for Trump’s 2016 campaign. The nonprofit’s 2017 board of directors includes Dallas financial executive Bailey, oil billionaire Harold Hamm and Douglas Ammerman, a retired partner at auditor KPMG LLP, according to the group’s latest tax filing. The nonprofit’s president is Brian Walsh,  former president of conservative outside groups American Action Network and the Congressional Leadership Fund.

Walsh declined to speak with the Center for Public Integrity. Communications director Erin Montgomery said the group is “not prepared to share our 2020 plans publicly at this time.”

Because it’s a nonprofit, the organization isn’t required by law to disclose its donors. But a review of Internal Revenue Service filings indicate Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America gave America First Policies $2.5 million, tobacco company Reynolds America donated $1.4 million, Southern Company donated $1 million, CVS Health gave $500,000 and Dow Chemical gave $100,000. In total, the nonprofit raised $22.2 million in 2017.

The group paid for advertising, telephone calls and “grassroots advocacy” to support repealing the Affordable Care Act and boost Trump’s’ Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, immigration reform and confirming Brett Kavanaugh to the U.S. Supreme Court. The nonprofit’s 2017 tax filing shows it also paid $2.8 million to Parscale’s company for “media advocacy services” and $160,000 to Obst’s firm for “consulting.”

Committee to Defend the President

Type: hybrid super PAC

Formerly named “Stop Hillary PAC,” the Committee to Defend the President spent $3.4 million during the 2016 election on anti-Hillary Clinton ads, using messaging centered around the 2012 Benghazi attacks, in which the U.S. ambassador to Libya was killed. The group raised $6.9 million from 2015 to 2016, and $8.9 million during the 2018 election. It spent $4.4 million on Trump-positive messages. The super PAC also attacked Democrats such as failed Senate candidate Phil Bredesen in Tennessee and Sen. Tammy Baldwin in Wisconsin. The group has $720,000 in the bank as of Dec. 31.

“The Committee is focused on defending President Trump — and when necessary his allies in Congress and elsewhere, as it did to great effect in Tennessee last cycle where we spent over $1 million to elect Marsha Blackburn [to the U.S. Senate in Tennessee],” said Ted Harvey, the group’s chairman and a former Colorado state senator. “Our efforts will take whatever form makes the most sense at the time…”

In April 2018, the hybrid PAC sued the FEC, alleging the agency failed to act on a complaint the PAC filed against Hillary Clinton and the Democratic National Committee. The Committee to Defend the President charged that Clinton violated federal law by funneling $80 million in contributions through state parties. The case is pending.

Great America PAC

Type: hybrid super PAC

Great America PAC, which aims to re-elect Trump and pro-Trump candidates, probably won’t involve itself in the Democratic primary.

“We’re fine letting the Democrats publicly out-crazy one another for the next year before we tar whatever looney tune comes out of their ‘process,’” Great America PAC attorney Dan Backer said in an email.

Ed Rollins, President Ronald Reagan’s campaign manager, is chairman of this hybrid super PAC, formerly known as TrumPAC. The super PAC’s executive director, Brent Lowder, is also the president of Apex Strategy Group, which Great America PAC paid $492,429 in 2016 and $150,000 in 2018. Rollins received a total of $240,000 in 2017 and 2018 for “payroll and strategic consulting.”

Eric Beach, the finance chairman for Newt Gingrich’s 2012 presidential campaign, was a former co-chairman of Great America PAC. Beach is a managing partner at Frontline Strategies & Media, a public affairs firm that Great America PAC paid more than $5 million from 2015 to 2018, more than any other committee paid it during both cycles.

The committee raised close to $29 million during the 2016 election, spending almost $24 million of those funds on pro-Trump ads. From 2017 to 2018, the group spent $5.4 million to support Trump. It also spent a few hundred thousand dollars backing Republicans running in U.S. House and U.S. Senate races, including  Roy Moore in Alabama. Its top donors from 2016 include Marvel Entertainment CEO Isaac Perlmutter ($5 million), now-deceased Houston Texans owner Robert McNair ($2 million) and banker Andy Beal ($2 million). In 2018, megadonors such as Robert Mercer of Renaissance Technologies ($400,000) and Richard Uihlein of U-Line Corp ($100,000) topped its list of contributors.

“Our ability to be nimble and adapt is what made Great America PAC the largest pro-Trump group in 2016, and his biggest champion since,” Backer wrote.

The super PAC has been riddled with scandals.

In May 2016, Jesse Benton, a former leader of the group, was found guilty on campaign finance charges in connection with his 2012 work on Republican Ron Paul’s presidential campaign. A federal appeals court upheld the charges, which preceded Benton’s work with Great America PAC, in May 2018. Before that, The Telegraph published an investigation in which reporters posed as consultants for a Chinese national wanting to donate to pro-Trump groups, which is illegal. Benton allegedly said he was a consultant for Great America PAC and apparently offered the reporters a way to disguise the foreign donation to the group. Backer, the super PAC’s lawyer, denied the super PAC engaged in any activity of the sort. Benton left the group in May 2016.

Also in 2016, the super PAC mistakenly published donor information not normally made public, such as email addresses and cell phone numbers for hundreds of its backers. A month later, it erroneously published credit card numbers for 49 donors. The super PAC offered free security monitoring to the donors and said it changed its data collection and compliance processes.

Great America Alliance

Type: nonprofit

The nonprofit Great America Alliance shares staff and resources with its partner super PAC, Great America PAC. Tomi Lahren, the conservative political commentator, was a senior aide to the nonprofit before leaving it for a job at Fox News. Andy Surabian — a former Steve Bannon aide and war room director of Trump’s 2016 campaign — also was a senior adviser. The nonprofit reported it spent $1.5 million in 2017 to educate voters about health care, taxes, national security and trade. It spent $291,000 on political campaign activity, according to a filing with the IRS.

News reports from 2017 stated Gingrich and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani were in talks to become co-chairmen of Great American Alliance, but Backer, the group’s attorney, said that did not happen. The nonprofit’s 2017 tax filing lists Brent Lowder as president, Beach as executive director and Christina Needham, a senior associate attorney at political.law, founded by Backer, as director.

The 501(c)(4) “social welfare” nonprofit raised $3.5 million in 2017, according to the latest tax filing available. It also paid $955,000 that year to public affairs firm Frontline Strategies, which is owned by Eric Beach, a former director of the group now “retained to provide management services.” It also paid $369,000 to Campaign Solutions, the political consulting firm of the Committee to Defend the President’s Ted Harvey, and $123,000 to Apex Strategy Group, owned by the nonprofit’s president Brent Lowder.

Future45

Type: super PAC

Future45 is a super PAC heavily funded by the deep-pocketed Ricketts family, which owns the Chicago Cubs baseball team. Future45 brought in $6.3 million in 2018, including from other megadonors such as philanthropist Helen Schwab, Elliott Management Group’s Paul Singer and Citadel LLC’s Kenneth Griffin. The super PAC poured $5.8 million into 2018 midterm messaging attacks on Democrats, including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Rep. Maxine Waters of California, Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi.

The group is led by Brian Baker, longtime political adviser to the Ricketts family.

“The Democrats tried to nationalize the midterms around Trump, and we tried to push back against that, and show the extreme elements in the Democratic Party,” Baker told the Center for Public Integrity. “Little did I imagine the conversation would stay the same but the characters would change. It used to be all about Nancy Pelosi and Maxine Waters but nowadays it’s all about Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Rep. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota.”

Who We Are

The Center for Public Integrity is an independent, investigative newsroom that exposes betrayals of the public trust by powerful interests.

About Us

45Committee

Type: nonprofit

The super PAC Future45 also has a sister “social welfare” nonprofit, 45Committee, which raised about $48.6 million from 2015 to 2017, according to federal tax filings.

“In 2017 and 2018, we were one of the leading groups pushing the tax reform bill, and really fought the nomination fight for the high profile nominees like the Supreme Court or Secretary of State,” said Baker, the president. 45Committee has not publicly reported its donors and is under no legal obligation to do so. But other tax filings show it received grants from Wellspring Committee ($750,000), the Judicial Crisis Network ($250,000) and Ricketts-connected Ending Spending ($75,000). That’s only a fraction of what’s in its bank account: the nonprofit’s tax filings show it received four donations in 2017 that were each worth $7.5 million.

45Committee distributed its own grants in 2017 to the Mercer-funded Secure America Now ($2 million), the U.S. Chamber of Commerce ($350,000), Judicial Crisis Network ($200,000) and the NRA Institute for Legislative Action ($70,000), among others. The group reported spending $21.6 million on political campaigning and $18.9 million on issue ads.

45Committee’s latest tax filing shows Baker became chairman and president after conservative strategist Brian Walsh left the role in September 2016. CNBC contributor and former George W. Bush aide Sara Fagen is on the board of directors, as well as Randy Scheunemann, a lobbyist for foreign governments at Orion Strategies, and Rob Collins, a lobbyist and strategist who helped push Neil Gorsuch’s appointment to the Supreme Court.

Rebuilding America Now

Type: super PAC

This super PAC was started by California financier Tom Barrack, a Trump confidant and chairman of the president’s inaugural committee. It spent more than $21 million during the 2016 election attacking Democrat Hillary Clinton and boosting Trump, although it’s been mostly dormant since. Now-U.S. Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., led the committee.

Tom Barrack, CEO of Colony Capital, takes the stage to speak during the final day of the Republican National Convention in Cleveland on July 21, 2016. (AP/Mark J. Terrill)

The group’s past activity has caught Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s attention. Prosecutors note former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort was “instrumental” in setting up Rebuilding America Now at the same time he was Trump’s campaign chairman, an apparent violation of federal law. (The super PAC also began paying Ken McKay, a former Trump campaign adviser, days after he left Trump’s campaign, seemingly violating the 90-day cooling-off-period rule.) The group also hired Manafort’s longtime associate, Laurance Gay, as chairman. During the 2016 cycle, the super PAC paid Gay $330,000 and McKay $295,000 for “political strategy consulting.”

A spokesman for McKay and Gay told Reuters they were Trump volunteers who didn’t “possess strategic information,” so they said the cooling-off-period rule didn’t apply.

In court filings, prosecutors say Manafort lied to investigators about a $125,000 wire transfer in 2017 to the super PAC in order to cover a debt, The New York Times reported. A federal judge ruled in February 2019 that despite agreeing to cooperate, Manafort lied to Mueller’s team during its Russian interference investigation. He will be sentenced in March.

In 2016, the super PAC accepted six-figure donations from megadonors such as Home Depot co-founder Bernard Marcus, real estate developer Palmer and former WWE wrestling executive Linda McMahon, now Trump’s Small Business Administration administrator. It also took $100,000 from Anthony Scaramucci, later Trump’s communications director for one week; $200,000 from coal outfit Murray Energy and $225,000 from private prison operator GEO Corrections. (The nonpartisan watchdog Campaign Legal Center filed an FEC complaint accusing GEO of violating the federal contractor donation ban. The case is pending.)

 “Although GEO Corrections Holdings Inc., the company that made the donation, is a wholly-owned subsidiary of the GEO Group, it is a non-contracting legal entity and has no contracts with any governmental agency,” company spokesperson Pablo Paez told VICE News in a statement, saying the donations to Rebuilding America Now are “compliant with all applicable federal election laws.”

In 2018, Rebuilding America Now received $30,000 in donations, with $25,000 coming from Florida real estate developer E. Llwyd Ecclestone Jr.

From 2017 to 2018, Rebuilding America Now spent most of its $2 million on paying Gay ($775,000) and McCay ($210,000) for consulting fees. It also used its money to fund travel and high-priced dinners — at places such as The Trump International Hotel in Washington and BLT Prime in Washington. It reported no money during that time on overtly pro-Trump communications.  

Great America Committee

Type: leadership PAC

Great America Committee is the first leadership PAC that a vice president created while in office.

Pence formed Great America Committee — not to be confused with the two other pro-Trump groups starting with “Great America” — in May 2017 to help boost other Republicans. The move was so unusual that many believed Pence was setting himself up for his own presidential run. That didn’t happen — instead, Pence doled out $886,000 in 2018 to candidates such as Rep. Andy Barr, R-Ky. and Sen. Marsha Blackburn, R-Tenn. The leadership PAC also gave $5,400 to Trump’s presidential campaign.

In this March 15, 2016 file photo, Donald Trump’s then-campaign manager Corey Lewandowski (left) listens as Trump speaks in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP/Gerald Herbert, File)

The PAC raised $4.1 million in 2018. Since forming, it spent $70,000 for consulting services at Green Monster Consulting, the firm of Trump’s former campaign manager, Lewandowski. It also paid $332,000 to MO Strategies, the firm of Obst, Pence’s senior political adviser, who was also the senior adviser of pro-Trump nonprofit America First Policies and executive director at the Trump super PAC Great America Committee. The PAC paid the firm for “finance and political strategy consulting.”

America Fighting Back

Type: hybrid super PAC

“We must protect Donald Trump and his agenda from impeachment,” declares America Fighting Back, led by former 2012 Republican presidential candidate Herman Cain.

Cain appears in an America Fighting Back ad in which he says Democrats’ “mission is to remake America and implement their socialist agenda.” The group asks viewers to call a 1-800 number to pledge their support for President Trump. The phone number directs a dialer to a recording of Cain bashing the “phony Russian delusion witch hunt.”

Businessman Herman Cain, who ran for president as a Republican in 2012, appears in an advertisement for his America Fighting Back PAC committee. (Screenshot)

Cain then asks callers to make a contribution. America Fighting Back, formed in July 2018, raised $347,000 during 2018, accepting donations from Citizens United founder and America Fighting Back co-chair Floyd Brown ($45,000) and the family trust of Edward Robson, a retirement community developer ($10,000). It reported spending $171,500 on pro-Trump messaging, although some of that messaging — such as Cain’s advertisement — serves the dual purpose of soliciting money for America Fighting Back itself.

The PAC’s executive director is Lori Klein Corbin, former Arizona state senator and national committeewoman for the state. Its chief strategist is Todd Cefaratti, a former 2012 campaign aide to Newt Gingrich.

Make America Number 1

Type: super PAC

Ahead of the 2020 presidential election, Make America Number 1 has yet to make the splash it did in 2016. Previously a Ted Cruz-backing super PAC named Keep the Promise I, the group rebranded to Make America Number 1 and spent $4.4 million attacking Clinton. Before Citizens United Chairman David Bossie left in 2016 to work as Trump’s deputy campaign manager, he ran the super PAC. Megadonor Rebekah Mercer took over managing the group.

It was primarily funded by Robert Mercer, Marcus and Clarium Capital’s Peter Thiel, as well as Erik Prince, brother of Department of Education Secretary Betsy DeVos, and the founder of the controversial security firm formerly known as Blackwater USA. The super PAC also paid $5.7 million to Cambridge Analytica, the now-defunct data firm that harvested Facebook users’ data without permission.

During the 2018 midterms, the super PAC raised only $807 in small donations, and spent $379,000 mostly on legal expenses and upkeep. The super PAC starts 2019 with $699,000 in the bank.

* * * * *

Other political groups and nonprofits that don’t primarily advocate for Trump have nevertheless been instrumental in advocating for his election. They include:

National Rifle Association

Type: nonprofits, PAC, super PAC

The National Rifle Association spent about $30.3 million to directly boost Trump during the 2016 presidential election, more than any other group that cycle.

The association may have gone a step further: An investigation by The Trace found that Trump’s campaign and the NRA used the same consultants to air TV ads, an apparent violation of the law that prohibits campaigns and outside groups from coordinating.

What’s more, federal investigators are exploring ties between NRA officials and the Russian government. Russian national Maria Butina pleaded guilty in December 2018 to conspiring to illegally act as a foreign agent. She admitted trying infiltrate the NRA and convince its members that Russia is a friend, not an enemy, to the U.S. The effort was apparently backed by at least one Russian official, Alexander Torshin, a former deputy governor of the Russian Central Bank. Russian President Vladimir Putin may have even approved the effort, according to a U.S. intelligence report reviewed by The Daily Beast. NRA officials did not respond to the Center for Public Integrity’s numerous requests for comment.

Citizens United

Type: nonprofit

The organization behind the pivotal campaign finance U.S. Supreme Court case, Citizens United v. FEC, Citizens United’s super PAC spent $182,000 on pro-Trump messages in 2016.

Donald Trump, left, reacts to the crowd as he shakes hands with co-host David Bossie at the Freedom Summit, Saturday, May 9, 2015, in Greenville, S.C. (AP/Rainier Ehrhardt)

People affiliated with the group have had a hand in other organizations backing Trump: Its president, Bossie, was Trump’s 2016 deputy campaign manager, while founder Brown is co-chairman of the super PAC America Fighting Back. Citizens United hasn’t reported any pro-Trump expenditures since he was elected.

“I am an outspoken supporter of this president and will help him in whatever way is most beneficial to his re-election,” Bossie told the Center for Public Integrity.

Committee to Restore America’s Greatness

Type: super PAC

Two months after Roger Stone exited the Trump presidential campaign, the notorious political operative formed a pro-Trump super PAC in October 2015.

The group stayed in business a little more than a year, raising $587,000 yet only spending $16,000 on pro-Trump billboards. The group’s largest donor was film and television producer John Powers Middleton.

Roger Stone leaves federal court on Feb. 1, 2019, in Washington. Stone appeared for a status conference just three days after he pleaded not guilty to felony charges of witness tampering, obstruction and false statements. (AP/Andrew Harnik)

Most of the PAC’s spending covered legal fees, consulting and travel. As the Center for Responsive Politics reported, Special Counsel Mueller subpoenaed a few vendors of the PAC, including John Kakanis, whose firm was paid $137,000 for “voter fraud research”; social media specialist Jason Sullivan; and Andrew Miller, who Stone paid $4,000 for consulting.

Dave Levinthal contributed to this report.



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Address: 15th floor, 7# building 16 Xi Si Huan.
Telephone: +86 10 88227272
FAX: +86 10 68179899
Others: +301 - 0125 - 01258
E-mail: info@Killexams.com



   

   

 

 



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